In 1479 BC, Tuthmosis
III moved against the king of Kadesh in Palestine, who had instigated other cities
in the region to join him in revolt against Egypt, and who was
undoubtedly backed by the military might of the Mitanni
empire. Mitanni had created a network of vassal city-states in
this region during the early 15th century BC.
The king of Kadesh and his allies occupied Megiddo, a fortress which controlled the major military and trade road north to
Lebanon and east to the Euphrates. Megiddo sat on a height where the road emerged from the constriction of the
Aruna Pass into the Plain of Esdraelon. From the time of
Tuthmosis III, when Megiddo enters the historical record, down to the 20th Century, this site has
been one of the world's major battle grounds, and in the Book of Revelations of the Christian Bible (John 16:14-16) it is the place where
the forces of evil will fight against the forces of God at the end of the world. "Armageddon" means "the mount of Megiddo." In World
War I, British Field Marshall Edmund Allenby led Australian cavalry and Indian infantry up the Aruna Pass, surprising and defeating Turks
on the tell (mound) of ancient Megiddo. Recent scholarship has proven that the 20th Century British warrior had very much in mind the
tactics of Tuthmosis III over 3,000 years earlier.
Most of what we know about Tuthmosis III's Battle for
Megiddo was compiled by the military scribe, Tjaneni, and
inscribed on the walls of the Hall of Annals in the Temple
of Amun at Karnak
in ancient Thebes
(modern Luxor).
In order to suppress the
Canaanite coalition, less then a year after assuming sole rule
of Egypt Tuthmosis III marched his army in nine days from his border fortress of Sileh
along the Sinai
road known as the "Ways of Horus" to Gaza, the main Egyptian stronghold in
Canaan. They maintained a marching rate of about fifteen miles
per day along this road, but thereafter slowed to about eight
miles per day until they reached Yaham eleven days later in
mid May. Perhaps this indicates fatigue, or simply caution as
they traveled through territory that could be considered
potentially or actually hostile. In fact, along the way
Tuthmosis III detached units commanded by general Djehuty in
order to place the stronghold of Jaffa under siege so that his
line of communications and possible retreat could be
protected, an indication that the Canaanite alliance was
significant within southern Canaan.
At Yaham, they stopped to hold a war council concerning the
route they would take onto the Plain of Esdraelon, where
Megiddo was located. It was known that the Canaanites had concentrated their forces near Megiddo
across the Carmel Ridge to which there were three access
routes. The northern and southern routes were longer than the central route through Aruna, but were less easily
defendable. Furthermore, the Aruna road was through a narrow
and difficult pass over a ridge that was presumed
(particularly by the enemy coalition) to be too difficult for
an army to use. Taking that route meant that "horse must
follow horse, and man after man", and to be strung out in
such a manner was a recipe for disaster. Hence, Tuthmosis
III's generals counseled the pharaoh to take the more
conservative Yokneam or Taanakh
routes.
'Now two (other) roads are here. One of the roads ( behold, it is [to the east of] us, so that it comes out at
Taanakh. The other ( behold, it is to the north side of
Djefti, and we will come out to the north of Megiddo. Let our victorious lord proceed on the one of [them] which is [satisfactory to] his heart, (but) do not make us go on that difficult road!'
Inscription from the Amen Temple at Karnak. J. B. Pritchard Ancient Near Eastern Texts, 1969: p. 234.
However, the advantage of the Aruna route was that it would
allow the Egyptian army to debouch onto the Plain of Esdraelon
less than a mile from the city of Megiddo. Also, many modern
commentators, and perhaps the Canaanite collation as well,
seem to forget the major virtues of the Egyptian Chariots.
They were light vehicles, and it was certainly conceivable
that many could be carried through the pass, while the horses
were led separately. Furthermore, Tuthmosis III and his
generals must have known, through reconnaissance, that the
coalition forces, and particularly their chariotry, were
deployed to cover the approaches of the two easier routes to
Megiddo (particularly the one from Taanakh). The
Canaanite alliance would have been ideally positioned to
attack the Egyptian forces had they entered the plain along
the Taanakh approach, first by mass chariot attacks and then
with a process of attrition of the Egyptian infantry by long
range archery. Thus, even before the Egyptian army was finally
able to deploy for battle, they would have already inflicted
very heavy losses.
Therefore, Tuthmosis III rejected the arguments of his
generals and set out on the Aruna route.
Notwithstanding the continued doubts of his officers,
Tuthmosis announced his decision in a manner that gives some
insight into his grasp of psychology, telling his officers
that
"...My majesty shall proceed upon this Aruna
road! Let him of you who wishes come in the following of my
majesty! Whatever their doubts about this plan, their
loyalty to their lord, as he very well knew, was not in
doubt!"
He reached the river Qinah south of Megiddo without encountering any opposition.
This segment of the march took three days. Two days were spent
approaching the Aruna road through the hills and finally the
road was accessed in the early hours of the third day. It took
an additional twelve hours for the whole Egyptian army to make
the passage along the Aruna road, and it was not until late in
the evening that they finally set camp on the plain.
The pharaoh's gamble had paid off, and a tactical surprise had
been achieved, for even as the Egyptian army poured out of the
pass, the leading elements could see the main enemy forces
rushing back to cover the approaches to Megiddo. By the time
night fell, this coalition army lay in front of the Egyptian
lines in a hasty arrangement to guard their city.
The Egyptians rested during the night,
though perhaps not very well. From text, we know that
Tuthmosis III suspected the possibility of a night attack, for
he admonished his troops to "...be steadfast, be
steadfast! Be vigilant, be vigilant!. He ordered his soldiers
to "...make your weapons ready, since one (the pharaoh)
will engage in combat with the wretched enemy in the
morning". It is therefore likely that many of his men
spend a sleepless night. Furthermore, this was Tuthmosis III
first major battle in which he was in overall command and the
army had not fought a major engagement for some 20 years, so
there was perhaps not the confidence among the troops that
later triumphant language might imply. Should the morning's
battle go against them, there was no real means of a hasty
retreat, with nothing but the difficult Aruna pass behind
them.
The following morning, we are told that "Now a charge
was laid upon the entire army to pass by...". The
implication is that the army was ordered to parade past the
pharaoh, resplendent in their full uniform with armor
glittering, while horse plumes and flags fluttering in the
breeze and standards were carried aloft amidst the sounding of
war trumpets, the beating of drums and the thunderous shouts
of acclaim. This theatrical display may have had the practical
benefits of negatively impacting the morale of the enemy, and
at the same time, buttressing the courage of the Egyptian men,
many of whom would be seeing combat for the first time. It may
thus have had a very real effect on the outcome of the ensuing
battle.
Tuthmosis III, in his war chariot of fine gold and electum,
and wearing the "blue"
or war crown, is described as being "adorned with the
accoutrements of combat, like Horus,
the Might of Arm, a lord of action like Montu,
the Theban, while his father Amun
made strong his arms. Now ready for battle, he divided his
army into three wings. The northern division was positioned to
the northwest of Megiddo which would provide his troops with a
possible retreat should that become necessary, while the
southern troops were located on a hill to the south of
"the brook of Qina". The Pharaoh himself commanded
the center wing.
Opposed to the Egyptians, the enemy forces were described
as vast, and while doubtless exaggerated, we are told that
they numbered no fewer than 330 kings, each with his own army
so that the Egyptians stood against "Millions of men, and
hundreds of thousands of the chiefest of all the lands,
standing in their chariots".
From the surviving text, the overwhelming impression is
that the attacking Canaanites were completely routed
so badly that a wave of panic swept through the coalition
army. An Egyptian scribe reported that : "The king himself, he
led the way of his army, mighty at its head like a flame of fire, the king who wrought with his sword. He went forth, none like him,
slaying the barbarians, smiting Retenu, bringing their princes as living captives, their chariots wrought with gold, bound to their
horses." Soon, the enemy abandoned their weapons,
equipment, chariots and horses and turned to flight, but were so hotly pursued, that the defenders of Megiddo refused to open the gates
of the city for their retreat. Rather, knotted sheets were
lowered over the fortified walls so that at least the high and
mighty among the defeated, including the king of Kadesh and
the ruler of Megiddo could be saved.
However, instead of attacking the city the Egyptians began to loot the abandoned camps,
which gave many more of the enemy a chance to escape and time to
organize their defense of the city. Our ancient text explains
that "...if only his majesty's army had not given their
hearts to capturing the possessions of the enemy, they would
have captured Megiddo at this time..." Thus, it was
recognized even by the Egyptians of this time that a breakdown
in discipline had robbed the pharaoh of a quick victory, since
Megiddo could have probably been stormed and taken in the
immediate panic of the initial battle.
However, the conquest of Megiddo and its inhabitants was vital,
for "...the ruler of every northern country is in Megiddo,
and its capture is the capture of a thousand cities".
Therefore, the city was placed under siege. A moat was
excavated around the city and beyond a wooden palisade was
built to seal in the population. However, not until December
of 1482 BC did the city finally surrender. While the booty
from this battle was vast, the pharaoh seems to have been most
proud of the capture of 2,041 horses that were taken and used
to swell the breeding stock in Egypt. Other spoils of the
battle included 894 chariots, including two that were covered
with gold, 200 suits of armor, including two of bronze
belonging to the chiefs of Megiddo and Kadesh, and over 25,000
animals other than horses.
Tuthmosis III led many more campaigns through Canaan and into
Syria, and eight years after the battle of Megiddo he took Kadesh on the
Orontes. However, his victory at Megiddo was of great
importance, for it was sufficient to render the whole of
Canaan quiescent for virtually the rest of his reign. Following the conquest of Retenu, he built a big navy, which was instrumental in his extending Egyptian influence over much of the Near East. His army could
now reach any coastal town in Syria by ship in four to five days, while by foot the journey would take more than a
fortnight. This would greatly aid Tuthmosis III in his
campaigns over the next 20 years in his contest with Mitanni
for the control of Syria.
See also:
References:
| Title |
Author |
Date |
Publisher |
Reference
Number |
| Armies of the Pharaohs |
Healy, Mark |
1992 |
Osprey Publishing |
ISBN 1 85532 939 5 |
| Dictionary of Ancient Egypt,
The |
Shaw, Ian; Nicholson, Paul |
1995 |
Harry N. Abrams, Inc.,
Publishers |
ISBN 0-8109-3225-3 |
| Egyptian Warfare and Weapons |
Shaw, Ian |
1991 |
Shire Publications LTD |
ISBN 0 7478 0142 8 |
| History of Ancient Egypt, A |
Grimal, Nicolas |
1988 |
Blackwell |
None Stated |
| Oxford
History of Ancient Egypt, The |
Shaw, Ian |
2000 |
Oxford University Press |
ISBN 0-19-815034-2 |
Archives
|